Defence Sec Healey in Berlin: 'joint declaration' aimed at new UK-German defence relationship receives mixed press response
Friday 26th July
Good morning.
The top story this week as far as UK-Germany news is concerned is Labour’s new Defence Secretary John Healey and Boris Pistorius (SPD)’s signing of a ‘joint declaration’ on defence co-operation. Here I give an outline of some of the agreement’s key points, and then review some of the reaction from the German and some of the UK press, which has been somewhat mixed.
Closer UK-German defence and security cooperation has been openly discussed as a priority for Labour for a while now. It’s clear, as Pistorius admitted himself, that groundwork for this agreement began between the Labour and SPD teams long before the election. While he was still Shadow Defence Secretary, Healey co-wrote an article for Foreign Affairs on the subject with the SPD’s Bundestag spokesman for Defence, Nils Schmid.
At a joint press conference both men insisted that this is a real breakthrough, not just a “piece of paper”, as Healey dismissively described previous agreements reached by his predecessors. When asked why, Healey pointed to the fact that the text of the Joint Declaration provides a “shared strategic context”, and concrete objectives and agreed ways of meeting them. These are as follows:
Strengthening Defence Industries, with joint procurement initiatives and interoperability, new joint R&D projects. This gets broader discussion further on in the text, too, and seems to be the priority.
Reinforcing Euro-Atlantic Security: closer work together on NATO’s ‘eastern flank’, and more work in the Baltic ‘3+3’ format (UK, Germany, Canada — Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia)
Enhancing interoperability: emphasises “seamless coordination” of armed forces. Basically reinforces point (1).
Addressing emerging threats: mentions the new buzzword ‘hybrid warfare’, cyber threats and, interestingly, climate change as areas for “joint efforts”
Supporting Ukraine: “coordinate long term military support”
Deep Precision Strike: MoD and Federal Defence Ministry will “together with partners, undertake a “long-term, comprehensive coordination in the field of long-range capabilities”. Handelsblatt notes that this implies the UK joining an initiative which was signed on the sidelines of the recent NATO summit, and already involves Germany, France, Italy and Poland.
There is also some discussion of institutional arrangements, including “enhanced dialogue between parliamentarians on defence matters”.
Papers’ reactions
Tagesspiegel: Healey visit ‘part of a British charm offensive’
Suggests that this latest visit shows the British are on a ‘charm offensive’ following David Lammy’s visit to Berlin in the days just after the election. But also hints that there may be trouble ahead:
However, one point of conflict between London, Brussels and Berlin remains the question of whether the UK should also be involved in the joint procurement strategy for the EU defense sector. Such a strategy was launched by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last March. […] The extent to which ‘third countries’ such as the UK can benefit from the EU procurement strategy alongside Ukraine is still unclear. The financing program for the new EU armaments program is projected not to be ready until the middle of next year. Initially, the sums involved are comparatively small: The EU is planning a sum of 1.5 billion euros by 2027.
However, the article continues on positive lines. It quotes an interview with Anglo-German MEP and Chair of the European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee David McCallister (CDU), who suggested that Keir Starmer should be invited to the October sessions of the European Council, and Nils Schmid, who suggested there could be a bilateral ‘friendship treaty’ with the UK like that signed between France and Germany in 2019.
FAZ: ‘The British want out of Brexit isolation’
FAZ’s London correspondent Johannes Leithäuser gives some interesting commentary. He identifies that a “key motive” for the UK interest “lies in the savings and potential revenue that could be achieved through close cooperation on armaments and procurement. British arms companies have been painfully aware that they have not received a share of the billions of euros in ammunition supplies that the EU has offered to Ukraine,” and that it no longer makes sense for each European country to be developing their own weaponry at a time when everyone wants to get the most ‘bang for their buck’ (sorry, couldn’t resist).
He also makes a point, not covered in the actual ‘JD’, about naval cooperation, especially in the Gulf, although I’m not sure if this is based on any concrete discussions Leithäuser has had or just his own speculation:
“What if a scenario like the one in the Gulf of Aden were to arise in the future, in which Yemeni rebels threaten international shipping and the United States itself no longer wants to be present? […] In order to participate in the EU mission also operating there, it would make sense to have a contractual basis that could also regulate British involvement in planning and cost sharing, for example. Conversely, in the event of an American withdrawal, the EU would only be able to continue such a mission in the long term with the help of the Royal Navy, as its aircraft carriers would be indispensable.”
Zeit: Germany and Britain want to cooperate more closely militarily
Zeit’s coverage picks out Healey’s comments in response to a question by the FT’s correspondent Sam Jones asking why a ‘reset’ was needed in UK-Europe relations:
In the years following Britain's exit from the European Union, his country's relations with many European allies were "strained at best", said Healey. However, the new Labour government was "ready to reset our relationship with Europe". Indeed, Prime Minister Keir Starmer's new government has promised to realign its relationship with its European partners in many areas.
It also suggests, as Leithäuser’s comment on the US “no longer wanting to be present” in securing shipping through the Gulf implies, that this agreement shows that “European member states (of NATO) in particular are currently increasingly trying to make themselves less dependent on the leading power, the USA, in view of a possible second term in office for Nato critic Donald Trump.”
Spiegel: Berlin and London agree on "new, deeper defense relationship"
More of the same: emphasises Healey’s comments on need for post-Brexit reset, as well as his “praise” at one point for the “leading role Germany has taken in supporting Ukraine. Germany has done a lot and sometimes receives little recognition for it.” Also picks up on the Taurus issue, inserting a tweet from Spiegel's London correspondent Steffen Lüdke, reporting on Leader of the Opposition Rishi Sunak asking Starmer at PMQs about the urging the Germans to agree to send the missile system to Ukraine.
UK Press
There’s some far less promising coverage in the UK press.
The Spectator turns to Eliot Wilson, a member of RUSI, for comment, who has summarily dismissed these efforts as ‘pure waffle’.
“What is aggravating is to be told by ministers how significant this empty screed is. John Healey, usually a straightforward, no-nonsense Yorkshireman, insists the agreement shows the new government is ‘getting on with the job’ and ‘resetting our relationships’ with allies. Actually it is pure performance, conflating, as is the Starmer way, saying things with doing things.”
Personally I think this is premature, and the fact that it comes from the Spectator may give one a hint of sour grapes. But Wilson is right to suggest that we should be sceptical until we see real results.
Meanwhile, the FT flags up the possibility, as I did in a post last week, that France may be a blocker on closer UK-German cooperation. Sam Jones and John Paul Rathbone state that
France is particularly wary of overtures made by British defence companies to Germany over the possibility of Berlin joining the UK-led next generation air combat project, known as GCAP, for example.
Doing so would involve Germany breaking out of its current defence development pact with France to develop a rival platform, known as FCAS.