Good morning.
I’m continuing to cover the German reaction to the staggering success of Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement Nationale in the first round of elections to the National Assembly. See yesterday’s post for a run-down of the immediate press and political response.
Yesterday I focused mainly on the papers, but today I want to give you more of a flavour of how German politicians themselves are reacting. There is real fury over Macron’s decision, as many see it across the German political spectrum (apart from the AfD, presumably), to unnecessarily gamble on the future of Europe, especially given Macron’s recent turn towards even more grandiose rhetoric on Europe, by allowing the far right into the government of one of Europe’s key states.
I must give credit to the Süddeutsche Zeitung’s Paul-Anton Krüger for collating these (you can see the original article here).
Michael Roth, SPD, Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the Bundestag:
I quoted Roth’s initial comments on the result in yesterday’s post. He initially limited his criticism of Macron, suggesting only that Germany had its share of the blame for not wholeheartedly supporting the French President’s pro-European efforts, but he has been much more forthright here:
"A few weeks ago, Macron warned that Europe could die. That sounded very exaggerated. However, this scenario has come closer in relation to the EU with the election victory of the right-wing nationalist Rassemblement National. It is therefore all the more incomprehensible why Macron has jeopardised the fate of France and Europe without need. Seven years ago, he set out to strengthen the political centre in France, but now he himself could become the gravedigger of the political centre.
Macron's calculations have not worked out: his stable government majority is a thing of the past. Even worse: favoured by the French majority voting system, his party alliance Ensemble was positively crushed between the radical fringes in the first round of the parliamentary elections. Now it is all about damage limitation, i.e. averting an absolute majority for the Rassemblement National through a broad democratic alliance. But I doubt whether this will be possible with a left-wing populist politician like Mélenchon (leader of the left-wing La France Insoumise, part of 2nd-placed New Popular Front alliance). The run-off election will not only set the course for France, but for the whole of Europe. A prime minister from the right-wing nationalist Rassemblement National would severely restrict President Macron's room for manoeuvre in terms of domestic and foreign policy in the remaining three years of his second term. France is in danger of losing its status as a reliable partner in Europe."
Nils Schmid, SPD parliamentary spokesperson on Foreign Affairs, member of Foreign Affairs ctte in Bundestag
Schmid, who also sticks the knife into Macron here, has been a productive point of contact for the UK’s Labour Party recently (Labour and the SPD are social-democratic ‘sister parties’). Together with Shadow Defence Secretary John Healey, he co-authored an article in Foreign Policy on closer UK-German co-operation on security and defence. Closer security agreements with the EU/European countries has been flagged as a key priority for Labour’s foreign affairs team, led by Shadow Foreign Secretary David Lammy.
"Damage limitation is now the order of the day. Now that Macron has dissolved parliament without need, there is a risk of an absolute majority in favour of the RN. This would threaten fundamental democratic values and make cooperation with France in the EU difficult. I am counting on comprehensive electoral agreements to prevent as many RN mandates as possible. At the same time, the experience of Macronism should serve as a warning not to rely on saviours in politics, however much they may impress us."
Johann Wadephul, deputy leader CDU/CSU Parliamentary Group on Foreign Policy
As a member of the Christian Democrats, the party which hopes to take over from Olaf Scholz’s SPD as the largest party in government at next year’s Federal Election, Wadephul is clearly keen to take the opportunity to link Macron’s failings to Scholz’s own lack of leadership, taking a swipe at the ongoing crisis over next year’s budget. This comparison is flawed: Macron dared and failed; Scholz may simply fail. Nonetheless, there is a sense that the leadership in both of the EU’s two main pillars, France and Germany, are stalling.
"President Macron played high stakes and, as things stand, lost. In many run-off elections, the extreme right will face the left. France will not have a stable government. France faces the threat of being unable to act and being torn apart for years to come. Macron is dragging the whole of Europe into a crisis. The fact that Macron, who calls himself a European, is gambling with the fate of Europe in this way is devastating. It is important that the political centre in France finally reconstitutes itself and develops new political strength. This process must begin now. For Germany, this means that it must now show even more leadership responsibility in Europe. However, Scholz seems to be unable to do this again and again. The budget drama is a further indication of Scholz's weakness."
Norbert Röttgen, CDU foreign policy expert and member of the Bundestag Foreign Affairs Committee
A similar line here from Wadephul’s CDU colleague Röttgen, but bringing the equally perilous situation in the US into the picture. He demands Scholz show some leadership and keep his head at a time when all about him are losing theirs. I’m not convinced that will happen, but perhaps that’s the point.
"France now faces the choice of an absolute majority for the RN or ungovernability. The country is divided between right-wing and left-wing radicals, with the centre in the minority. Macron has failed and is isolated, he has become a burden for his diminished party. If you add up the behaviour of Macron and Biden, the result is a self-inflicted weakening of the West. If Scholz doesn't finally show leadership now, he too will contribute to the weakness of the West."
Ulrich Lechte, Foreign Policy Spokesman for the FDP and Member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
Whether Emmanuel Macron has opened Pandora's box on the right remains to be seen, even after last night's more than sobering results. He has definitely weakened himself, opened the door to the extremes on the right and left and is facing a difficult cohabitation. Right-wing populists in particular can change their colours as often as they like, but they remain highly dangerous for democracy and freedom. The enemies (of such ideals) in Moscow and Beijing are rubbing their hands at the naivety of European societies and cheering the success of the right and left. The aim is to divide the EU and sow discord in unity through nationalism. The tools are funding for radical parties, triggering refugee flows and gaining further partners such as Viktor Orbán. Last night was another milestone on this path.